In the Dungeons of Tito’s Regime: The Titoist occupiers of Yugoslavia enslave, torture, and murder tens of thousands of Yugoslav communists, progressives, and patriots
Tito’s gang hires Gestapo experts for anti-communist crackdown.
‘Self-managed’ slave camps were established.
Citizens of the Peoples’ Democracies were kidnapped through cross-border operations and sent to torture camps.
The History of the USSR & the Peoples’ Democracies
Chapter 12, Section 2 (C12S3)
Saed Teymuri
…. Hence to prevent the fall of the fascist regime to the communist forces, it was vital for Tito’s gang that anyone opposed would be exterminated, tortured, and/or brainwashed. In that famous 1949 resolution of the Cominform and its member parties, it was stated:
The Information Bureau, consisting of representatives of the Communist Party of Bulgaria, Rumanian Workers' Party, Working People's Party of Hungary, United Workers' Party of Poland, Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), Communist Party of France, and the Czechoslovak and Italian Communist Parties, having considered the question: "The Yugoslav Communist Party in the power of murderers and spies", unanimously reached the following conclusions: (…). Thousands of Yugoslav patriots, devoted to Communism, have been expelled from the Party and incarcerated in jails and concentration camps. Many have been tortured and killed in prison or, as was the case with the well-known Communist, Arso Jovanovic, were dastardly assassinated. (Communist Party of Yugoslavia in the Power of Murderers and Spies, Cominform, November 1949. MIA. The same document can be found in the ‘Revolutionary Democracy Organization of India’ archives section) (IMG)
As the Cominform resolution stated in the excerpt above, and as the publicly disclosed letter of the Central Committee of the CPSU confirmed, General Arso Jovanovic had been murdered trying to escape Tito’s extermination campaign. Corroborating the remarks by the Cominform and the CC of the CPSU, the MI6 operative Richard West too admitted:
Arso Jovanovic and his friends had been shot attempting to escape in 1948. (Tito: and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia, Richard West, p. 272)
Jovanovic, as may be recalled, was an anti-fascist freedom-fighter from the Yugoslav People’s Liberation War, upon whom Tito’s gang had blamed the casualties in the war, even though those casualties were the result of the anti-communist military sabotage of Tito and Milutinovic. As the Cominform statement noted, Yugoslav communists and progressives were ‘incarcerated in jails and concentration camps. Many have been tortured and killed in prison or … were dastardly assassinated.’ Miron Rezun – a former elite Canadian combatant and a hostile anti-Soviet international news correspondent with close ties to every major Western intelligence organization – remarked:
Despite his earlier assertion that the Yugoslav revolution was not devouring its children, Tito embarked on a most ruthless wholesale de-Stalinization of the … cadres…. Mass conversions to Titoism were carried out from above, by … administrative persuasion, intimidation, expulsions, purges, incarceration, concentration camps, and torture. (Europe and War in the Balkans, Miron Rezun, Chapter: The Legacy of Tito, p. 101) (IMG)
The CIA too stated:
The Yugoslav Government took strong measures against those who, after the break in 1948, still clung to a Moscow policy as the result of their political education. (‘1. Yugoslav-Albanian Relations 2. Yugoslav Attitude vis-à-vis the Soviet Union 3. League of Albanian Refugees (Prizren Committee)’, CIA, January 3, 1955, p. 2) (IMG)
And:
many people were put into newly created internment camps. (‘1. Yugoslav-Albanian Relations 2. Yugoslav Attitude vis-à-vis the Soviet Union 3. League of Albanian Refugees (Prizren Committee)’, CIA, January 3, 1955, p. 2) (IMG)
Essentially, Tito’s fascist gang, already having concentrated a significant amount of power into their own hands on behalf of the comprador classes allied to finance capital, decided to, out in the open, launch a fascist coup to overthrow the last remnants of democracy in Yugoslavia. As the 1949 Cominform resolution put it:
Due to the counter-revolutionary policy of the Tito-Rankovic clique which usurped power in the Party and in the State, an anti-Communist police State -- fascist type regime -- has been installed in Yugoslavia. (Communist Party of Yugoslavia in the Power of Murderers and Spies, Cominform, November 1949. MIA. The same document can be found in the ‘Revolutionary Democracy Organization of India’ archives section) (IMG)
And:
The Yugoslav hirelings of imperialism, having seized leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, unloosed a campaign of terror against genuine Communists loyal to the principles of Marxism and Leninism and who fight for Yugoslavia's independence from the imperialists. (Communist Party of Yugoslavia in the Power of Murderers and Spies, Cominform, November 1949. MIA. The same document can be found in the ‘Revolutionary Democracy Organization of India’ archives section) (IMG)
As a first step, Tito’s and Rankovic’s:
purges, particularly in the UDB and the armed services, incapacitated the Cominformists from organizing. (‘Political and Economic Conditions in Yugoslavia; Morale and Attitude of the People Toward Tito and the Present Regime’, CIA February 20, 1952, p. 2) (IMG)
Again, due to the absence of a quantitatively large proletariat in Yugoslavia, and owing to the petit-bourgeois mode of the bulk of the population, resistance against the regime was low, leaving the communists and progressives low leverage in the factional conflict in the UDB, while allowing the Tito-Rankovic faction to reassert control over the UDB. The control of Rankovic’s UDB already extended to the Party; that is, rather than the Party controlling the fascist secret service, the latter controlled the former. In his April 1948 polemical letter to the CPSU Central Committee, Tito wrote:
the Organization Secretary in the CPY is also Minister of State Security…. (‘Tito rejects the charges and defends his policies’, April 13, 1948. In: ‘Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, 1939-1973 : A Documentary Survey’, Stephen Clissold, 1975, p. 179. Clissold, the book editor who collected the document series, was a British intelligence officer.) (IMG)
In other words, the head of the secret service was also a chief of the Party, thus giving Rankovic’s secret service tremendous influence over the Party as well. However, with the victory of the Titoist fascist faction through the purge of much of the communist elements in the UDB, nothing stood in the way of Rankovic and Tito. Having thus annihilated the communists in the intelligence and security apparatus, the regime went on to hunt down the rest of the Yugoslav communists. The following is an example case in Slovenia:
Among the many Cominformists arrested in Slovenia during January were Vito Zupanc, a prominent party member and Bogumil Kristan, an old-guard Communist. The letter was honored by the State following his liberation in 1945 from a Nazi concentration camp.
Dr. Lemez (fnu) and Dusan Kermauer (or Kermaner), pre-war Communists and functionaries of the Commnist Party of Slovenia, are Cominformists. To date they have not been arrested.
Plevlje in Montenegro is the site of a concentration camp for Cominformists. At the penitentiary of Pozarevac in Zebal, 120 government officials, charged with Cominformism, are kept in solitary confinement.
(Arrests of Cominformists Continue, CIA, March 2, 1949, p. 1. Note: FNU means First Name Unknown) (IMG)
During early February the UDB arrested at Pazin, Istria, Dusan Dimicic and Vlado (?) Stefanovic, who were former partisan officers, Political Commissars and prominent members of the Regional Committee of the Communist Party for Istria, on charges of Cominformism. At the same time Sestan (fnu), President of the Regional Committee, was appointed by UDB in Fiume. The arrests were preceded by a special session held in late January by the Regional Committee. (Arrests of Cominformists Continue, CIA, March 2, 1949, p. 1. Note: FNU means First Name Unknown) (IMG)
Upon their arrest in Slovenia, prisoners would undergo brutal torture in special chambers:
A building located in the Narodni Dom Arena garden, now serves as a UDB prison. Under the building the UDB constructed nine bunkers, six of which serve as cells for prisoners and three as torture chambers. The cells are for three persons each and are provided with beds made of cements. The torture chambers are one meter square and are equipped with hooks for tying people to be tortured. One of the most common practices is to fill the bunker with ice or hot water into which the prisoners are placed for hours. (‘UDB Installations and Personnel in Ljubljana, Slovenia’, CIA, December 13, 1949, p. 1) (IMG)
Another case:
Approximately 700 Cominform sympathizers were arrested during the last few days in the coal regions of Trbovlje, Hrastnik, Zagorje, Kocevje and Jesenice.
An extensive anti-Tito net was rounded up in the Trbovlje area by the UDB. The net seemingly had regular communications with Yugoslav Cominformists in Prague and was supported by collaborators in Zone A of the Free Territory of Trieste. The ringleaders, among whom are prominent Tito officials (unidentified), will be brought to trial within the fortnight.
It is alleged that Minister Ivan Regent has been imprisoned on a charge among other things, of communicating with Riko Malalan, the top Yugoslav Cominformist in Opicina, Zone A of the Free Territory of Trieste.
(COMINFORMIST ACTIVITY WITHIN YUGOSLAVIA, CIA, February 10, 1949) (IMG)
Fascists of the previous regimes were employed by the Tito regime’s espionage service to be used for torturing dissidents. An example is Nexhip Musa, who was:
the former body-guard of [Albanian Nazi] Xhafer Deva in Albania. (‘DEVA, XHAFER’, CIA, March 13, 1955, p. 13) (IMG)
He lived in:
the camp of JESENICE (Yugoslavia)…. (‘DEVA, XHAFER’, CIA, March 13, 1955, p. 13) (IMG)
On behalf of the Yugoslav Regime, Musa worked as the:
commander of this camp and had formed his own team composed by former communist policemen of Albania… (‘DEVA, XHAFER’, CIA, p. 13) (IMG)
The defector Titoist policemen of Albania worked under the direction of Albanian Nazi Nexhip Musa. Under the local rule of Musa, they were:
responsible for the death of an Albanian in the camp of JESENICE (Yugoslavia) called Sulejman BEGEJA, killed on the 4 July 1952, and many tortures against albanians, hungarians, rumanians, and bulgarians living in the camp. (‘DEVA, XHAFER’, CIA, March 13, 1955, p. 13) (IMG)
Nazi concentration camps were taken over by the UDB and were converted into Titoist-fascist concentration camps in which the emigres from the Peoples’ Democracies were imprisoned, terrorized, enslaved, and shot:
The concentration camp at Zrenjanin was established during World War II by the Nazis and later taken over by the UDB. Its capacity is not known, although between February and November 1949, there were approximately 80 persons incarcerated there. At present the camp is used to hold refugees from Hungary and Rumania. The commandant of the camp is UDB Captain Joseph Tubic, who speaks Hungarian. (…). Outside these barracks are concrete bunkers, two and one-half meters deep and two and one-half meters long, inside which are wells in which prisoners sentenced to solitary confinement are kept in a crouching position. The entire camp is surrounded by a barbed wire fence and guarded by troops of the UDB. New arrivals are told by Tubic that the camp is the end of their journey; that anyone who breaks the rules will be shot. (…). Treatment of the prisoners is very harsh; the daily food ration conssits of tea, 400 grams of bread, and thin soup. Neither fuel nor blankets are issued during the winter months. The most minor infractions of the camp rules are punished by ten days’ confinements in the bunkers. There is considerable corruption among the UDB guards who, in exchange for personal possessions, will obtain some food, mostly vegetables, for the prisoners. (…). Artisans among the prisoners work at their trades in Zrenjanin and surrounding towns; the remainder are forced to work on nearby state collective farms, under the supervision of UDB sub-lieutenant Djuro Grabic. (…). At various times during 1949, but especially in March, April, and July, an unspecified number of prisoners was taken to the border and forced back into Hungary and Rumania. During December 1949 and January 1950, an unspecified number of prisoners was sent to Dobroveni in Macedonia, where they were forced to work on a project to widen the Cerna Reka River. (‘THE CONCENTRATION CAMP NEAR ZRENJANIN, SERBIA’, CIA, July 24, 1950, p. 1) (IMG)
Not all the ‘refugees’ to Yugoslavia were genuine refugees; some were in fact kidnapped on the border:
Often officials and workers of both sexes are kidnaped and brought into Yugoslavia where they are interrogated by the UDB and released at a later date with the excuse of mistaken identity. (Albanian Minority in Yugoslavia, CIA, January 7, 1953, p. 14-15. Underline added.) (IMG)
Thousands of Yugoslav communists and progressives underwent physical and psychological torture, of kinds found in the Axis slave camps. The gang of the ‘former’ Gestapo agent Tito employed Gestapo experts and Ustase fascists in suppressing communist or progressive bourgeois-democratic dissent:
The most traumatic effect of the crisis was the victimization of the imprisoned Communist opposition. (…). In the development of the system, Titoist security men were assisted by Gestapo experts still in Yugoslav captivity and by those collaborators of the Nazis and the Ustasha who were serving time for crimes committed in enemy concentration camps during the war. These were reinforced by some common criminals who were instructed to pose as “Cominformists” in order to create divisions among the inmates and to act as provocateurs. (Europe and War in the Balkans, Miron Rezun, Chapter: The Legacy of Tito, p. 101) (IMG)
The most infamous of all these torture camps was Goli Otok, also known as the Naked Island:
It was in the fall of 1948 that Tito made the decision to house the Cominformists at Goli Otok – without consulting the central Committee, [nor] the Politburo…. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 81) (IMG)
Richard West, the MI6 operative who landed in Yugoslavia to assist Tito’s group against the USSR, remarked:
Tito set up the Naked Island camp through Rankovic…. According to Djilas, Tito was more than once heard to explain in 1948: ‘Off to jail with him! Off to the camp! What else can he expect if he works against his own Party?’ (Tito: and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia, Richard West, p. 237) (IMG)
Richard West also noted that slavery was the mode of production in Goli Otok:
Tito … sent thousands of Cominformists to slave in the camp on Goli Otok (Naked Island), opposite Senj in the north Adriatic. From autumn 1948 until well into the 1950s, about 12,000 men and some women as well were shipped to this inhospitable rock to quarry for marble. (Tito: and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia, Richard West, p. 237) (IMG)
US intelligence also confirmed that at Tito’s:
bidding, and under the guidance of Party Secretary Aleksandar Rankovic and State Secretary for Internal Affairs Svetislav Stefanovic, local "Cominformists" were rounded up for imprisonment on Tito's Adriatic Devil's Island, Goli Otok: 4,000 in 1949, over 3,000 in 1950, 2,500 in 1951, and over 1,000 in 1952; in March 1956 after the first Soviet Yugoslav rapprochement, the National Assembly was told that 15,800 "Cominformists" had been prosecuted between 1948 and 1955. (YUGOSLAVIA: THE OUTWORN STRUCTURE, Reference Title: ESAU XLVII, Directorate of Intelligence, CIA, November 20, 1970, p. 3) (IMG)
Said to be the largest slave camp of Yugoslav communists, it was built by the slaves themselves:
Most [Cominformists] were sent to concentration camps on the Naked Island. (…). The worst Stalinist sinners were shipped off first, in great haste and without any technical and engineering preparations, to build the camps themselves and to welcome its steadily growing population. (Europe and War in the Balkans, Miron Rezun, Chapter: The Legacy of Tito, p. 101) (IMG)
In his memoirs, Milovan Djilas described in detail the Sadistic dungeon and slave camp of Goli Otok:
Evil and shame – evil beyond compare, unending shame – is what lay in store for the prisoners in the camp. Never mind the foul food, the mindless and exhausting labor in the quarry, the prisoners were subjected to torture, the cruelty of which was matched by its perversity. (…). On boarding the boat to Goli Otok, prisoners were shoved head first into its hold, and, on landing, they were herded through a double row of security guards, who punched and kicked them. This practice, which is referred to in Isakovic’s novel as the "principle of the frightened rabbit," was frequently tested on the so-called incorrigibles. There were lynchings, too. Those who would not repent were subjected to humiliating abuse, which could only result from the dogmatic fury and the ingenuity of those who had reformed. Prisoners had their heads plunged into pails of human excrement. They were forced to wear placards that read "Traitor." They were required to confess publicly their nonpolitical sins. All of this was carefully planned. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, pp. 85-86) (IMG)
Rezun adds:
The camps were said to be reeducation centers, where self-punishment became the norm. (Europe and War in the Balkans, Miron Rezun, Chapter: The Legacy of Tito, p. 101) (IMG)
Goli Otok prisoners were forced to read imperialist publications against the USSR. A Western intelligence source confirmed:
The ideological reeducation of the Stalinists required that they read so-called imperialist publications denouncing the USSR and the Comintern. Some prisoners who resisted conversion were executed. (Europe and War in the Balkans, Miron Rezun, Chapter: The Legacy of Tito, p. 102) (IMG)
Describing the results of the fascist brainwashing process, Djilas recalled:
There would have been no camp at Goli Otok. Even if there had been a camp, if the will of the leader and the intractable secret police had not dominated the Party, the regime in that camp would not have been such a monstrous combination of two right-minded groups, the security officials and the reeducated. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 89) (IMG)
Throughout Yugoslavia, in fact, the Tito regime was actively promoting an atmosphere of hatred towards the USSR:
The government has created a strong atmosphere of feeling against the Soviet Union. They even go back to the history of the war and say that the Soviet Union worked against the interests of Yugoslavia. (‘1. Yugoslav-Albanian Relations 2. Yugoslav Attitude vis-à-vis the Soviet Union 3. League of Albanian Refugees (Prizren Committee)’, CIA, January 3, 1955, p. 2) (IMG)
It is important to note, however, that the success of the Yugoslav regime in promoting anti-Soviet propaganda was limited, and the Stalin-era Soviet influence in Yugoslavia was increasing.
The Tito regime was inflicting immense levels of force upon the slaves so to brainwash and forcibly ‘convert’ them into ‘believers’ in the regime’s propaganda narratives. To mildly escape the brutalities, they would have to spy on one another:
The camp was, in fact, a source of information for further arrests: to betray an ally still at large was the best way to demonstrate one's own rehabilitation and repentance. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 87) (IMG)
The ‘repentant’ slaves would thereupon engage in slave ‘self-management’ in helping the UDB’s torture of other prisoners:
Tito even, in his speeches, boasted that we were reeducating the prisoners. The secret police recruited teams from the ranks of the penitent and organized them into “self-managing units” – that is exactly what they were called. These units then took over the task of reeducation, through violence. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 85) (IMG)
Djilas concluded:
The inmates were not provided with the protection of the law; nor were they allowed visits from their families. (…). Very few, if any, returned from Goli Otok unscathed. Not [as] much physically, perhaps, as psychologically and intellectually. Many were bitter, depressed, shattered.
(Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 87) (IMG)
Richard West corroborated:
The camp was run on the principle of making the prisoners earn their release by breaking the will of those who had not yet made a confession and recantation. All new arrivals were made to run a gauntlet of beating, followed by constant physical and verbal abuse. The prisoners were not allowed visitors, and relatives were not even informed to the whereabouts of their loved ones; they were merely told that ‘Daddy has gone away on a business trip’. All those released from Naked Island were sworn not to talk about it, under pain of returning there. Even after the end of Communism in Yugoslavia, veterans of Naked Island were loath to speak of their hellish experience. (Tito: and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia, Richard West, p. 237) (IMG)
The prominent Yugoslav regime official Dobrica Cosic, Djilas added, “had visited Goli Otok” and:
told me that the security service, the UDBA, had devised and applied corrective methods that were possibly the most diabolical in history. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 86) (IMG)
The Yugoslav leaders were all well aware of the situation in Goli Otok. Indeed, as Djilas admitted,:
It is not as if no one in Belgrade knew what was going on at Goli Otok. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 86) (IMG)
By his own confession, Djilas himself was involved in the torturous mass-brainwashing of the communist prisoners:
Although I was not involved directly in the organization and management of the camp, my ideological activity was not to be ignored. The sharpness and depth of my criticism of Stalin and the Soviet system contributed to the sufferings of the inmates. My positions were taken as official and prescribed. Those who were believed to harbor doubt were forced into self-criticism – in what ways, and with what results, one can only imagine. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 87) (IMG)
Nor was Djilas much regretful of the bondage of the communist political prisoners:
In retrospect, and with all the self-criticism of which I am capable, I must admit that we could not have avoided a concentration camp for the Cominformists. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 84) (IMG)
Hence both Djilas and Tito were involved in this historic crime:
Goli Otok … is truly important in every respect. I cannot avoid it here, not only because of Tito’s involvement, but also because of my own…. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 81) (IMG)
The tens of thousands victims of the Goli Otok torture camp were the communists, democrats, and dissidents. Djilas said:
Approximately fifteen thousand Party members and sympathizers passed through the camp. A substantial number served time simply because of having expressed pro-Soviet sentiments among friends. Some were entirely innocent. There were also quite a few activists who spread propaganda and tried to organize the overthrow of the regime. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 87) (IMG)
One of the key “factors undermining the … efforts at subversion,” noted a CIA document, was:
the support given [to] his regime by U.S. and U.K. Governments since 1949…. (National Intelligence Survey 21; Yugoslavia; Government and Politics, 21/GS/GP, CIA, April 1973, p. 44) (IMG)
Of course, the Anglo-American imperialists regarded such anti-communist and anti-democratic brutality as understandable:
While at the United Nations I observed that the official West viewed the persecution of the Cominformists with understanding…. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 88) (IMG)
Nonetheless, the outcry of progressive anti-fascists in Western societies could not be nipped in the bud. Thus, even in:
the West … there were humanitarian protests as well. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 88) (IMG)
Such international moral pressure:
urged [Yugoslav leaders] that some thought be given to dissolving the camp, that those who were guilty should be, instead, handed over to the courts. Kardelj was the first to oppose [these] recommendations. "We need the camp now desperately!" If I remember correctly, Rankovic remarked that it would not be so easy to settle accounts with the Cominformists through normal procedures. Tito was silent, reflective, then he dismissed [the] proposal, probably on the ground that it was premature. And so we reacted in the typical fashion of politicians who are above public control – in pursuit of political goals, arbitrarily and without overriding concern for human conditions, human suffering. (Tito: the story from inside, Milovan Djilas, 1980, p. 88) (IMG)
Regarding the casualty statistics of the communists in Yugoslavia under Tito’s reign, pro-Cominform sources claim that:
between 1948 and 1952, Tito expelled from the party some 200,000 Communists of whom 30,000 were imprisoned with lengthy prison sentences and several thousand were killed. Among the imprisoned there were 5,000 officers cumulatively sentenced to more than 50,000 years imprisonment. The expellees represented 50% of the total strength of the CPY and 75% of the leading cadres. (The Conversion from Stalinism to 'Titoism': Its Impact on the Yugoslav Communist Militants, Sava D. Bosnitch, pp. 50-51)
Such pro-Cominform allegations against Tito’s regime have in fact been acknowledged as correct by Rezun:
Between 1948 and 1952, Tito expelled almost 200,000 Communists, of whom 30,000 were imprisoned and several thousands killed.
Those who were expelled represented 50 percent of the total strength of the CPY and 75% of the leading cadres. The Stalinists alleged that the true Marxist-Leninist CPY was liquidated. From its remnants, the so-called Communist League of Yugoslavia was formed. Its principal aim was to secure personal power for Tito and [his] clique by means of ruthless counterrevolutionary terror and suppression of all Yugoslav Communists with an internationalist outlook. (Europe and War in the Balkans, Miron Rezun, Chapter: The Legacy of Tito, p. 101) (IMG)
Again, Rezun’s remarks are corroborated by the already-cited US intelligence memorandum which stated:
Tito, beside the implacable of hatred of the people, … has against himself also the majority of the Yugoslav Communists. (Tito’s True Face, Political Information (Analysis of Tito’s Relationship with Stalin and the West, CIA, November 28, 1952, pp. 13-14) (IMG)
According to the CIA, the Yugoslav Regime stated that it arrested more than eight thousand ‘Cominformists’:
Minister of Interior Rankovic stated in June that since the Cominform break in 1948, 8,403 Cominformists had been arrested. (Daily Digest, CIA, October 10, 1951, p. 4) (IMG)
On the other hand, the CIA stated:
Rankovic … rounded up the 15,000 "real" Cominformists…. (YUGOSLAVIA: THE OUTWORN STRUCTURE, Reference Title: ESAU XLVII, Directorate of Intelligence, CIA, November 20, 1970, p. 4) (IMG)
Tito seems to have exaggerated the number of the ‘spy centers’ of the Cominform countries:
Tito’s figure of 98 spy centers in the Cominform countries represents a considerably larger number than previously estimated. (Daily Digest, CIA, October 10, 1951, p. 4) (IMG)
The exaggeration would have served his terrorist agenda.
As can be seen, Tito’s gang formed a minority clique, criminally terrorizing the democratic majority in the YCP. The problem was that the structure of the YCP was not really so democratic, Tito’s gang dominated the high command of the YCP. All of this in turn was due to the low number of proletarians in Yugoslavia and the high number of peasants there. This situation was vastly in contrast to what occurred in the CPSU, wherein – unlike in Yugoslavia – every phase of the purges involved the democratic majority of the Party conducting legal purges against the counter-revolutionary criminal minority.
What occurred in 1948-1949 was a hybrid coup, the combination of a soft coup and a hard coup. The Chancellor Hitler, through the Reichstag fire, launched a coup against the democratic forces in his state so to transition the state he led to a fascist dictatorship. In the same ways, Tito’s gang launched a coup against the communist forces in the state it led, annihilated numerous communists, established a brutal fascist military dictatorship, and set Yugoslavia firmly on the side of the Anglo-Americans for covert and shadow warfare against the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies.
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